It is possible to see the internet as causing changes, both in education and in society. From this standpoint, and assuming the internet to be a benign phenomenon in education, the internet democratises learning by, for example, giving learners easy access to resources.
The internet also has the potential to democratise learning when learners have greater technological competence than their lecturers; Scanlon and Issoff’s (2005) research identified an instance in which students helped a lecturer operate a technology, the lecturer welcomed the assistance, and the learning experience was bettered for everyone (what would have happened if the lecturer had asserted his/her authority by resisting the help?). Thus far we have a view of the internet that works within an activity system triangle, as a new tool effects the division of labour.
However, the internet may not be causal. It may, instead, expose existing practices and hierarchies from a new perspective; the idea of the familiar object seen from an unfamiliar angle. For example, and as argued by Castells (2002), the geography of the internet reflects wider power structures: ‘… the use of the internet is highly differentiated in territorial terms, following the uneven distribution of technological infrastructure, wealth, and education in the planet’ (p. 211) and hence, ‘the centrality of the Internet in many areas of social, economic and political activity is tantamount to marginality for those without, or with only limited, access to the Internet, as well as of those unable to use it effectively’ (p. 247). From this standpoint, the internet consolidates and amplifies existing inequalities, and doesn’t cause change.
Tikhomirov (1999) cites data from Zinovieva showing ‘the dependence of intellectual activity’s organization on the level of the subject’s confidence. It appeared that confident subjects had a higher goal orientation, which leads to the “cutting off”… of the hypotheses of all information that does not lead to the goal, as well as higher trust in existing conclusions and higher integration between generalizations’ (p. 350). Hence, some subjects (in the sense of individuals) pursue goals more rigorously than others, and are less likely to be distracted by changes within and between other nodes in the activity system. However, this is about subjects, not about tools and thus Activity Theory might now suggest that, in the case of the internet, the tool is not effecting large-scale changes because the subject and their disposition towards the goal is the primary determinant. However, privileging the subject node makes the activity system three-dimensional, in the sense that it has peaks of influence.
Tikhomirov goes on to make large claims for the internet: ‘New forms of creative work, education, and play appear, forms that are simply impossible without computers. At the same time, new types of stereotyped, routine activity appear… The computer is not only a universal data-processing device, it is also a universal means of influencing human activity and, consequently, the human psyche… The specific character of such influence is defined, first of all, not by a computer, but by the organizational and social conditions of its use and by the characteristics of the activity’ (p. 353). Having said the internet does effect change, Tikhomoirov also argues that the potential of the internet to effect change is shaped by other nodes in the activity system. Hence there has to be a broader constellation, without which the potential of the internet to cause change is not realised. However, if the right conditions are created than, Tikhomirov argues, change ensues in patterns of human activity and thus, from a materialist perspective, in the human psyche.
It is difficult to argue convincingly that the internet is causing changes to the human psyche, because of immanence; it is not possible to stand outside evolving processes in which individuals are implicated. It is possible to argue that the internet is changing the way we learn, as it blurs the lines between learning, working and socialising (Conole et al., 2008). It is less easy to argue that the internet democtaises learning, because of both a first level digital divide (with sections of the population not having net access), and a second level digital divide (Hirgattai 2002), whereby people lack effective access by not having the skills required to make effective use of the internet.
Tikhomirov, from a materialist perspective, argues that a change in practice leads to changes in perception, and in consciousness. This imbues the activity system with particular significance, as changing patterns of behaviour, which can result from just one change in one node, lead to different patterns of thinking in individuals and collectives. Therefore, if the internet is changing what we do, it may also change what we think.
References
Castells, M. (2002) The Internet Galaxy,Oxford,OxfordUniversity Press.
Conole, G., Laat, Maarten de, Dillon, T. and Darby, J. (2008) ‘“Disruptive technolgies”, “pedagogical innovation”: What’s new? Findings from an in-depth study of students’ use and perception of technology’ Computers and Education, vol. 50, pp. 511-524.
Hargittai, E. (2002) ‘Second Level Digital Divide: Differences in People’s Onlnie Skills’ First Monday, http://www.eszter.com/research/pubs/hargittai-secondleveldd.pdf (accessed 12 August 2011).
Scanlon, E. and Issoff, K. (2005) ‘Activity Theory and Higher Education: evaluating learning technologies’ Journal of Computer Assisted Learning, vol. 21, pp. 430-439.
Tikhomirov, O. K. (1999) ‘The theory of activity changed by information technology’ in Y. Engestrom, R. Miettinen and R.-L. Punamaki (eds.) Perspectives on Activity Theory,Cambridge,CambridgeUniversity Press, pp. 325-346.